Jones Hanungu M.
Statistical studies of cycles
Modern economic history has recorded a number of periods of difficult times, often called depressions, during which the business economy was marked by sudden stock market declines, commercial bankruptcies, bank failures, and mounting unemployment. Such crises were once looked upon as pathological incidents or catastrophes in economic life, rather than as a normal part of it. The notion of a “cycle” implies a different view. The following examples represent some of the attempts theorists have made to explain and predict business cycles.
The Juglar cycle
The first authority to explore economic cycles as periodically recurring phenomena was the French physician and statistician Clément Juglar, who in 1860 identified cycles based on a periodicity of roughly 8 to 11 years. Scholars who developed Juglar's approach further distinguished three phases, or periods, of a typical cycle: prosperity, crisis, and liquidation. Subsequent analysis designated the years 1825, 1836, 1847, 1857, 1866, 1873, 1882, 1890, 1900, 1907, 1913, 1920, and 1929 as initial years of a downswing (i.e., the beginning of the “crisis” phase).
The so-called Juglar cycle has often been regarded as the true, or major, economic cycle, but several smaller cycles have also been identified. Close study of the interval between the peaks of the Juglar cycle suggests that partial setbacks occur during the expansion, or upswing, and that there are partial recoveries during the contraction, or downswing. According to this theory, the smaller cycles generally coincide with changes in business inventories, lasting an average of 40 months. Other small cycles result from changes in the demand for and supply of particular agricultural products such as hogs, cotton, and beef.
Cycles of greater duration than the Juglar cycle have also been studied. For example, the construction industry was found to have cycles of 17 to 18 years in the United States and 20 to 22 years in England. Measuring longer-term business cycles involves the study of long waves, or so-called Kondratieff cycles, which were named for the Russian economist Nikolay D. Kondratyev. His examination of the major Western countries during the 150 years from 1790 to 1940 identified three periods characterized by slow expansions and contractions of economic activity, each averaging 50 years in length:
1. 1792–1850 Expansion: 1792–1815 23 years Contraction: 1815–50 35 years
2. 1850–96 Expansion: 1850–73 23 years Contraction: 1873–96 23 years
3. 1896–1940 Expansion: 1896–1920 24 years Contraction: 1920–40 20 years
Only these three Kondratieff waves have been observed. Some students of business cycles have analyzed them by statistical methods, in the hope of finding regularities that are not immediately apparent. One speculative theory has held that the larger cycles were built up from smaller ones. Thus, two seasonal cycles would produce a two-year cycle, two of which would produce a four-year cycle; two four-year cycles would become an eight-year, or Juglar, cycle, and so on. The hypothesis is not widely accepted.
Patterns of economic depression and upswing
Cycles of varying lengths are closely bound up with economic growth. In 19th-century Germany, for example, upswings in total economic activity were associated with the growth of the railroad, metallurgy, textile, and building industries. Periodic crises (such as those outlined above in the discussion of the Juglar cycle) brought slowdowns in growth. The crisis of 1873 led to a wave of financial and industrial bankruptcies; recovery started in 1877, when iron production ceased to fall, and by 1880 a new upswing was under way. The recession of 1882 was less severe than the previous one, but a slump that began in 1890 led to a serious depression, with complaints of overproduction.
The year 1890 was one of financial crisis also in England and the United States. The British banking house of Baring Brothers failed, partly because of a revolution in Argentina. English pig-iron production fell from 8.3 million tons in 1889 to 6.7 million tons in 1892, and unemployment increased. That depression might have been less severe but for the international financial crisis, especially intense in the United States, where in 1893 a stock market panic led to widespread bank failures.
The recession of 1900 was followed by an unusually vigorous upsurge in almost all the Western economies. U.S. pig-iron production increased by more than 150 percent during the expansion, which lasted until 1907; building permits more than doubled; and freight traffic rose by more than 50 percent. Prices rose more and more rapidly as the U.S. economy approached full employment.
Deviations from cycle patterns
Cycles are compounded of many elements. Historical fluctuations in economic activity cannot be explained entirely in terms of combinations of cycles and subcycles; there is always some factor left over, some element that does not fit the pattern of other fluctuations. It is possible, for example, to analyze a particular fluctuation into three principal components: a long component or trend; a very short, seasonal component; and an intermediate component, or Juglar cycle. But these components cannot be found exactly recombined in another fluctuation because of a residual element in the original fluctuation that does not have a cyclical form. If the residual is small, it might be attributed to errors of calculation or of measurement. On a more sophisticated statistical level, a residual element can be treated as “random movement.” If the random element is always present, it becomes an essential element of the analysis to be dealt with in terms of probability.
For practical purposes, it would be useful to know the typical shape of a cycle and how to recognize its peak and trough. A great amount of work has been done in what may be called the morphology of cycles. In the United States, Arthur F. Burns and Wesley C. Mitchell based such studies on the assumption that at any specific time there are as many cycles as there are forms of economic activity or variables to be studied, and they tried to measure these in relation to a “reference cycle,” which they artificially constructed as a standard of comparison. The object in such studies was to describe the shape of each specific cycle, to analyze its phases, to measure its duration and velocity, and to measure the amplitude or size of the cycle.
In studying various cycles, it has been possible to construct “lead and lag indicators”—that is, statistical series with cyclical turning points consistently leading or lagging behind the turns in general business activity. Researchers using these methods have identified a number of series, each of which reaches its turning point 2 to 10 months before the turns in general business activity, as well as another group of series, each of which follows the turns in business by 2 to 7 months. Examples of leading series include published data for new business orders, labour productivity, consumer demand, residential building contracts, stock market indices, and changes in business inventory. These and other leading indicators are widely used in economic forecasting.
Dynamic analyses of cycles
Coincident with the Great Depression—one of the most severe economic downturns in modern times—the British economist John Maynard Keynes put forth a large body of economic theory that examined the relationship between investment and consumption. According to Keynes and other economists associated with his views, any new expenditure—e.g., on building a road or a factory—generates several times as much income as the expenditure itself. This is so because those who are paid to build the road or factory will spend more of what they receive; their expenditures will thus become income for others, who will in their turn spend most of what they receive. Every new act of investment will, thus, have a stimulating effect on aggregate income. This relationship is known as the investment multiplier. Of itself, it cannot produce cyclical movements in the economy; it merely provides a positive impulse in an upward direction.
To the relationship between investment and consumption must be added that between consumer demand and investment. An increase in demand for refrigerators, for example, may eventually require increased investment in the facilities for producing them. This relationship, known as the accelerator, implies that an increase in national income will stimulate investment. As with the multiplier, it cannot of itself explain cyclical movements; it merely accounts for a fundamental instability that Keynesians thought they had observed.
It can be shown, however, that the multiplier and accelerator in combination may produce very strong cyclical movements. Thus, when an increase in investment occurs, it raises income by some larger amount, depending on the value of the multiplier. That increase in income may in turn induce a further increase in investment. The new investment will stimulate a further multiplier process, producing additional income and investment. In theory, the interaction might continue until a point is reached at which such resources as labour and capital are being fully utilized. At that point—with no increase in employment and, therefore, no rise in consumer demand—the operation of the accelerator would cease. That halt in demand, plus the lack of new capital, would cause new investment to decline and workers to be laid off. The process thus would go into reverse. The fluctuations in national income could take various forms, depending on the characteristics of the economy and the way in which the population allocated its income between consumption and savings. Such spending habits, of course, affect both the levels of consumer demand and capital investment. This theoretical analysis does not explain actual economic fluct